{"id":18036,"date":"2015-01-29T06:00:23","date_gmt":"2015-01-28T19:00:23","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=18036"},"modified":"2015-01-30T12:21:13","modified_gmt":"2015-01-30T01:21:13","slug":"japans-record-defence-budget-request","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/japans-record-defence-budget-request\/","title":{"rendered":"Japan\u2019s \u2018record\u2019 defence budget request"},"content":{"rendered":"

Much has been made in the media (for instance, here<\/a> and here<\/a>) about the Japanese government\u2019s \u2018record\u2019 defence budget request for Fiscal Year 2015. With \u00a54.98 trillion (roughly US$42 billion), it\u2019d be the \u2018largest budget ever\u2019, according to a Defence Ministry official<\/a>. Yet, while such statements imply a shift in Japan\u2019s defence policy, the increase is much less radical and doesn\u2019t indicate a more assertive strategic approach.<\/p>\n

True, defence spending is increasing for the third consecutive year, meeting Prime Minister Shinz\u014d Abe\u2019s promise to reverse the decade of declining expenditure.<\/p>\n

\"JDE\"<\/a><\/figure>\n

Figures for FY\u201997 to FY\u201914 in Japan Ministry of Defense 2014<\/a><\/em><\/p>\n

But defence spending will remain below 1% of gross domestic product (GDP). And the Abe government\u2019s also increasing spending in other portfolios\u2014it\u2019s requested a record-high general budget of \u00a596.34 trillion. So the higher defence spending doesn\u2019t indicate Japan\u2019s \u2018remilitarisation\u2019 as has been alleged by some of its neighbours, most notably China. Rather, the increase will allow the Japanese Self-Defense Force (JSDF) to continue working towards turning into a \u2018Dynamic Joint Defense Force\u2019\u2014that is, a more mobile, networked JSDF investing in air-maritime denial capabilities in order to defend Japan\u2019s archipelago whilst increasing interoperability with its US ally.<\/p>\n

Consequently, the 2015 defence budget request provides funding for key capabilities already announced in the \u2018National Defense Program Guidelines (NDPG) for FY2014 and beyond<\/a>\u2019. Big ticket items include the procurement of up to 20 P-1 maritime patrol aircraft; beginning work on a third Atago<\/em>-class destroyer fitted with the Aegis combat-system for ballistic missile defence; and the acquisition of six additional F-35A Joint Strike Fighters. It also contains funding to enhance the JSDF\u2019s mobility, ISR, and amphibious capabilities. That includes the acquisition of five tilt-rotor V-22 Osprey helicopters (17 planned in total) and the first of three RQ-4 Global Hawk UAVs. The MoD also announced its intention to buy up to 30 AAV-7 assault vehicles (also used by the US Marines) for its emerging amphibious brigade. Further, Japan will continue upgrading its F-15 and F-2 fighters, as well as adding another S\u014dry\u016b<\/em>-class submarine to its inventory (including work to improve the propulsion system).<\/p>\n

Some critics<\/a> have argued that the defence budget increase is still insufficient to meet the reform goals. But implementation of those goals is a long-term process and Japan\u2019s defence spending needs to be understood within the current domestic political and economic context. Despite the Liberal Democratic Party\u2019s (LDP) victory in December\u2019s \u2018snap election\u2019, Abe\u2019s political mandate for major increases in defence spending remains limited<\/a>. Importantly, the election strengthened the position of the LDP\u2019s coalition partner, the pacifist Komeito party which opposes more robust defence spending as a basis for a more active defence posture.<\/p>\n

As well, while Japan still spends below 1% of GDP on defence, the total amount has to be seen in comparative perspective. Behind the US, China and Russia, Japan is the fourth largest spender in the Asia\u2013Pacific region, and ranks seventh in the world in 2013 (above powers such as Germany and India).<\/p>\n

\"\"<\/a><\/figure>\n

Source: Military Balance<\/a> 2014 (paywalled)<\/em><\/p>\n

Current spending on defence provides Japan with a significant capacity to maintain a modern, high technology force. Indeed, should Tokyo decide to increase its defence spending if the strategic environment deteriorates dramatically to, say, between 1.5% and 2.0% of GDP, it\u2019d quickly climb up the global rankings. And contrary to conventional wisdom, Japan\u2019s enormous government debt of around 240% of GDP isn\u2019t such a problem<\/a> for the country\u2019s strategic solvency. Japan\u2019s latent capacity to increase defence spending significantly in the future shouldn\u2019t be underestimated.<\/p>\n

Yet, at this point such a development is neither desirable nor necessary for Japan. A major defence spending increase would rattle the nerves of its Asian neighbours. The moderate increase in defence expenditure combined with targeted investments in air-sea denial capabilities aims to send a signal that Japan\u2019s military modernisation isn\u2019t about upsetting the regional security order. The goal isn\u2019t to compete with China\u2019s military in terms of platform numbers and spending. Rather, by investing in a smaller, but highly sophisticated JSDF focused on the defence of Japanese islands, the aim is to pose significant challenges to Chinese military planners contemplating offensive operations to seize Japanese islands. Indeed, at present the JSDF would probably be able to defeat such an attempt even without support from the US.<\/p>\n

Lastly, while JSDF modernisation strengthens Japan\u2019s leg within its US alliance by improving interoperability and boosting its islands defence capability, it can continue to rely on US\u2019 offensive firepower as a means of deterring foreign aggression. That\u2019s not \u2018free-riding\u2019 as often implied but an arrangement that\u2019s in the best interest of both parties, and indeed the region. In the absence of a radical shift in those domestic and external parameters, Japan\u2019s defence spending won\u2019t increase dramatically any time soon.<\/p>\n

Benjamin Schreer<\/em><\/a> is a senior analyst at ASPI.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Much has been made in the media (for instance, here and here) about the Japanese government\u2019s \u2018record\u2019 defence budget request for Fiscal Year 2015. With \u00a54.98 trillion (roughly US$42 billion), it\u2019d be the \u2018largest budget …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":41,"featured_media":18038,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_mi_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[120,52,1114,135,869],"class_list":["post-18036","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-general","tag-budget","tag-china","tag-defence","tag-japan","tag-jsdf"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nJapan\u2019s \u2018record\u2019 defence budget request | The Strategist<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/japans-record-defence-budget-request\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Japan\u2019s \u2018record\u2019 defence budget request | The Strategist\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Much has been made in the media (for instance, here and here) about the Japanese government\u2019s \u2018record\u2019 defence budget request for Fiscal Year 2015. 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