{"id":23302,"date":"2015-11-11T14:30:37","date_gmt":"2015-11-11T03:30:37","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=23302"},"modified":"2015-11-11T06:04:45","modified_gmt":"2015-11-10T19:04:45","slug":"creating-synergy-an-agenda-for-turnbulls-visit-to-jakarta","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/creating-synergy-an-agenda-for-turnbulls-visit-to-jakarta\/","title":{"rendered":"Creating synergy: an agenda for Turnbull\u2019s visit to Jakarta"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/a><\/p>\n Tomorrow\u00a0Australia\u2019s Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull will sit down with Indonesia\u2019s President Joko Widodo (Jokowi)<\/a> for some valuable face time. Just over a year into his presidency, Jokowi has already had some experience dealing with Australian foreign policy challenges, having responded to both the boat turn-back policy of the Abbott government and rockier diplomatic ties surrounding the execution of two Australian prisoners in Bali in April.<\/p>\n This meeting is a chance for the countries to start afresh and, with economics and trade set to be on the agenda, there should be plenty to discuss given Turnbull’s and Jokowi\u2019s respective business backgrounds. But should the leaders\u2019 first meeting be so straightforward?<\/p>\n More than merely a meet-and-greet, this Jakarta visit could potentially set the tone for Australia\u2013Indonesia relations for the foreseeable future. Despite their business backgrounds, the two heads of government should see to rise above transactional diplomacy. We face a world of shared challenges, from terrorist networks to environmental concerns, so it\u2019s never too early to start deepening cooperation and discussing shared responsibility.<\/p>\n Jokowi\u2019s global maritime axis vision is likely to remain a dominant feature of his foreign and domestic policy and this is a good chance for Turnbull to develop a firsthand understanding of Jokowi\u2019s intentions. In essence, the vision involves reinvigorating Indonesia\u2019s character as a maritime nation, building up its maritime defences, optimising oceanic resources, and seriously upgrading its ports and related infrastructure to help boost the economy<\/a> (PDF).<\/p>\n Of course, most foreign investment will come from major players like Japan, China and the US. However, there are other challenges that could hamper the realisation of Jokowi\u2019s maritime vision and it\u2019s in these areas where Australia can offer targeted cooperation. Those include defence capability and acquisition, maritime research and conservation, policy development and interagency coordination, and anti-corruption efforts. With Jokowi\u2019s term set to last another four years, it\u2019s a good time for the Turnbull administration to establish a solid working relationship in areas that play both to our strengths and to Jokowi\u2019s needs.<\/p>\n The face-to-face meeting also affords Turnbull the chance to ask Jokowi how he perceives both China\u2019s actions in the South China Sea and the recent US freedom of navigation operation (FONOP) near Subi Reef. Australia and Indonesia are both deepening their economic and investment ties with a rising China, with Indonesia\u2013China ties growing even closer under Jokowi and Xi<\/a>. With the Royal Australian Navy and the Indonesian Navy kicking off Exercise New Horizon on Monday<\/a>, Turnbull could discuss the future of South China Sea defence diplomacy with his counterpart.<\/p>\n It would be beneficial to discuss international order in the light of China\u2019s land reclamation activities and what role Jokowi envisages for Indonesia as a middle power diplomatic actor. During his recent trip to the US, Jokowi revealed to a Brookings Institute audience that he wanted Indonesia to take a more active role in the South China Sea<\/a>. What\u2019s less clear is exactly what this role would entail. Thus far, unlike the previous administration, Indonesia isn\u2019t falling over itself to engage ASEAN as a framework for regional diplomacy and in any case, the adoption of a binding Code of Conduct in the South China Sea continues to move at a glacial pace, if at all. Complicating matters further, the Chinese nine-dotted line puts Indonesia in direct conflict with China even if Indonesia doesn’t like to admit it<\/a>\u2014the line cuts through Indonesia’s UNCLOS-enshrined maritime territory.\u00a0If Indonesia were to play an \u2018honest broker\u2019 role, what other regional organisations or diplomatic instruments could it rely upon, and what role could Australia play?<\/p>\n The growing threat of ISIS globally is undoubtedly one Australia and Indonesia should tackle together, particularly given our history of effective counterterrorism cooperation<\/a>. The head of Indonesia\u2019s national counterterrorism agency has warned that foreign fighters from Malaysia are finding safe haven in some parts of Indonesia\u2019s archipelago<\/a>. There are already a number of regional terrorist groups who have sworn allegiance to ISIS. Indonesia has responded to the domestic manifestations of this threat by, among other steps, blocking the content of radical websites<\/a> and, in June, standing up a Joint Special Operations Command (JSOC) drawn from all three of the military\u2019s special forces units<\/a>.<\/p>\n In a positive move, Australian and Indonesian authorities will co-host the inaugural meeting of a regional counter-terrorism financing summit in Sydney<\/a> later this month. However, more can be done in areas like prison reform, cyber radicalisation and anti-radicalisation programs. Strong statements from both leaders that continue to stress the shared threat posed by global extremism and the need for sustained cooperation would help signal both the importance of collaborative efforts and publicly reinforce our security partnership.<\/p>\n