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Australia uses satellites to support national defence, economic, and scientific activities, but isn\u2019t a \u2018space power\u2019 that can provide independent space systems for national needs. The Department of Industry, Innovation and Scientific Research\u2019s 2015<\/span> \u2018State of Space Report\u2019<\/span><\/a> and<\/span> Australian Satellite Utilisation Policy<\/span><\/a> limits Australia to providing ground infrastructure, and establishing regulatory frameworks to use other states\u2019 satellites and foreign commercial space capabilities. The 2016<\/span> Defence White Paper<\/span><\/a> and<\/span> Integrated Investment Program<\/span><\/a> goes a bit further, and suggests \u2018potential investment in space-based sensors\u2019 for the mid-2020s to the late-2030s but the language is vague, and funding for such a capability is proverbial \u2018low-hanging fruit\u2019.<\/span><\/p>\n A 2015<\/span> review<\/span><\/a> of Australian Space activities shows that Australia is a consumer of the end product. There\u2019s little or no involvement in satellite construction or integration, and Australia doesn\u2019t provide launch services (see table on p. 58 of the review). There\u2019s nothing inherently wrong with that approach. Yet the times are changing. The private sector of space is growing by leaps and bounds, with innovative young companies bursting with new ideas and bold visions that increasingly challenge technological dominance of national space programs. Technologies are changing with the times, with \u2018Space 2.0\u2019 emphasizing<\/span> smaller<\/span><\/a>, more capable satellites produced<\/span> cheaply<\/span><\/a> through innovation in manufacturing, then replaced more rapidly in a manner akin to software evolution from Silicon Valley IT start-ups. In this approach,<\/span> Cubesats<\/span><\/a> can be built for a<\/span> fraction<\/span><\/a> of the cost of traditional high-end satellites, launched in swarms, and networked to provide useful space support for defence or other national civil or scientific endeavours.<\/span> Andrew Davies<\/span><\/a> has explored the benefits of an Australian surveillance capability, suggesting \u2018Australia could develop an indigenous satellite capability to augment data collected by allied or commercial satellites\u2019. In the seven years since Davies assessed the case for four satellites, each costing around AUD$600 million, the transformation implicit in Space 2.0 suggests Australia could instead build swarms of<\/span> networked<\/span><\/a> cubesats and integrate them with the<\/span> Triton<\/span><\/a> UAS, to facilitate a broad-area maritime surveillance capability at a lower cost.<\/span><\/p>\n Advances in satellite technologies are being matched by advances in launch systems, most notably re-usable space launch capabilities (<\/span>here<\/span><\/a>,<\/span> here<\/span><\/a>,<\/span> here<\/span><\/a> and<\/span> here<\/span><\/a>). These will potentially drive down the cost of accessing space for a broader range of customers and could herald a transformational<\/span> \u2018step-change\u2019<\/span><\/a> in accessing space, with SpaceX suggesting up to a 50% price reduction on a fully expendable launch. The<\/span> challenge<\/span><\/a> will be managing cost and complexity of refurbishment for recovered boosters, addressing fuel to payload cost ratio, and also sustaining a high enough launch rate to make the economics of reusable rockets work. Future Australian space policy could assess the benefits of providing a southern hemisphere site<\/span>\u2014<\/span>close to the equator<\/span>\u2014<\/span>for launch and recovery of those vehicles as part of an international partnership, and in doing so, lay the basis for a local space launch capability.<\/span><\/p>\n If government values innovation, it should review current policy settings on space, and consider future steps. This could suggest two clear potential paths forward on space, and a third that\u2019s implied. Firstly, government can maintain the current approach that emphasises comparative advantage and avoids risk. To borrow a term from cosmology, this is a \u2018steady-state\u2019 future\u2014more of the same with little or no government investment into promoting an expanding commercial space sector in Australia. In that model Australia decides what product it needs and continues to consume what\u2019s provided to it, it negotiates access and establishes the \u2018ground segment\u2019 to manage the data.<\/span><\/p>\n Alternatively government might support a \u2018big bang\u2019 strategy that actively develops an Australian commercial space sector. This process has already taken a step forward with a decision to<\/span> review<\/span><\/a> (and<\/span> here<\/span><\/a>) the 1998 Space Activities Act to ensure that innovation and investment isn\u2019t stifled through outdated regulation. It seems sensible that whatever path Australia chooses, clearing up and discarding excess regulation is a good step.<\/span><\/p>\n A \u2018steady state\u2019 approach minimises risk and cost, but doesn\u2019t necessarily encourage a lucrative commercial space sector within Australia, and risks Australia falling further behind in a booming global market. Conversely \u2018Big bang\u2019 is riskier because Australia must compete with that global space market, but is more in line with government policies to promote innovation, and the opposition\u2019s commitment to science and technology. If we\u2019re to compete, it\u2019s important to do so with haste, or be at permanent disadvantage with regional competitors.<\/span><\/p>\n But private industry should <\/span>not<\/span><\/i> merely wait for government to take the lead. That opens a third option. The real advances, epitomised when SpaceX successfully<\/span> lands<\/span><\/a> a Falcon 9 booster after launching a satellite, is when private industry takes the lead. Government can choose simply to step back and let the market drive our space program.<\/span><\/p>\n