{"id":27735,"date":"2016-07-18T12:30:35","date_gmt":"2016-07-18T02:30:35","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=27735"},"modified":"2016-07-18T11:29:21","modified_gmt":"2016-07-18T01:29:21","slug":"win-widodo-indonesias-new-police-chief","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/win-widodo-indonesias-new-police-chief\/","title":{"rendered":"A win for Widodo: Indonesia’s new police chief"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Indonesian President Joko Widodo may have finally come of age as a leader with his decision to ignore seniority\u2014and Indonesian Democratic Party for Struggle (PDI-P) chairperson Megawati Sukarnoputri\u2014in choosing counter-terrorism guru, Tito Karnavian, as Indonesia\u2019s new police chief.<\/span><\/p>\n Most analysts had thought he would extend the term of incumbent, Badrodin Haiti, just to avoid having to settle for Megawati\u2019s favourite, controversial deputy police chief Budi Gunawan, who under normal circumstances would have been next in line.<\/span><\/p>\n Instead he<\/span> did the unexpected<\/span><\/a>, elevating the reformist Karnavian from the National Counter-Terrorism Agency (BNPT) to a powerful post he will now theoretically hold for seven years\u2014longer than any of his 22 predecessors except the first one, who served for more than 14 years.<\/span><\/p>\n A political greenhorn by any yardstick, it\u2019s taken Widodo 18 months to escape from the PDI-P leader\u2019s shadow and consolidate power, helped to a large degree by the Golkar Party\u2019s recent decision to join what\u2019s now a seven-party ruling coalition. But even with a significant parliamentary majority, Widodo\u2019s still confronted with the onerous task of getting the bureaucracy to implement the government\u2019s 12 deregulation packages that are key to reviving the country\u2019s moribund economy. <\/span><\/p>\n Megawati may be still seething over the choice of Karnavian, who was sworn in on 13 July, but ever since he scrapped Gunawan\u2019s nomination for police chief in early 2015 over graft allegations, the president has appeared determined to have his way.<\/span><\/p>\n Some analysts believe he smoothed Megawati\u2019s ruffled feathers by offering Gunawan a key government position after he retires next year, perhaps as chief of the National Intelligence Agency (BIN) in place of retired general Sutiyoso. Certainly, Karnavian\u2019s appointment was a major shock for seniority-obsessed Indonesians, who worry he will have difficulty exercising his authority over seven other three-star generals favoured for the job.<\/span><\/p>\n For all the resentment it may cause, however, power ultimately trumps seniority in the ranks of Indonesia\u2019s police. As Karnavian put it: \u2018Age doesn\u2019t matter because, traditionally, the police have always followed the leader.\u2019 Still, as reform-minded as he professes to be, Karnavian knows he\u2019ll have a fight on his hands if he tries to shake up the 400,000 strong police force, which is generally regarded as the country\u2019s most corrupt institution.<\/span><\/p>\n Unlike the Indonesian Armed Forces (TNI), the police report directly to the president. But successive leaders have been unable to make any headway against an entrenched culture that\u2019s refused to change during the past 16 years of democratic rule. Since it separated from the TNI structure in 1999, the police have taken over many of the shady businesses formerly under military control and have resisted efforts by the Anti-Corruption Commission (KPK) to investigate suspiciously-inflated bank accounts.<\/span><\/p>\n Until that changes, anti-graft activists see little hope of making serious inroads into the so-far unbreakable alliance that binds together law enforcement, the judiciary, politicians and big business interests.<\/span><\/p>\n For all his Western education, including a master\u2019s degree from England\u2019s Exeter University and a doctorate from Singapore\u2019s Nanyang Technology University, Karnavian didn\u2019t get where he is without benefiting in some way from the police patronage system.<\/span><\/p>\n \u2018He may not have liked it, but he\u2019s had to play the game like everyone else,\u2019 says one retired officer familiar with a system where police cadets are compromised from the start of their careers by having to pay just to enter the police academy\u2014and then fork out to gain promotion.<\/span><\/p>\n That alone could prove to be an inhibiting factor, just as his appointment will put a cap on the promotion ambitions of four classes of his superiors. \u2018Immediate and revolutionary reforms can cause major upheavals\u2019, he noted in an<\/span> interview with Tempo magazine<\/span><\/a>. But seven years as police chief is a long time and given Karnavian\u2019s track record in counter-terrorism alone, including the killing of Malaysian bombers, Azahari bin Husin and Noordin Mohammad Top, Indonesia can expect to look forward to a more professional force at least.<\/span><\/p>\n Karnavian\u2019s had a better ride than most because he was among the cream of officers<\/span>\u2014<\/span> mostly the narcotics and criminal investigation divisions<\/span>\u2014<\/span>hand-picked for counter-terrorism operations in the wake of the devastating 2002 Bali bombing.<\/span><\/p>\n