{"id":28136,"date":"2016-08-12T12:30:44","date_gmt":"2016-08-12T02:30:44","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=28136"},"modified":"2016-08-12T16:52:29","modified_gmt":"2016-08-12T06:52:29","slug":"populism-past-present","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/populism-past-present\/","title":{"rendered":"Populism, past and present"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/p>\n
It seems that practically no Western democracy nowadays is immune to right-wing populism. While populist rhetoric seems to be reaching fever pitch, with far-reaching consequences\u2014most notably the United Kingdom\u2019s vote to \u2018Brexit\u2019 the European Union\u2014the reality is that the strain of nativism that it represents has long bedeviled democratic politics.<\/p>\n
Populist movements tend to focus on blame. Father Charles Coughlin, the 1930s-era Roman Catholic priest from Detroit who promoted a fascist agenda for America, consistently sought to root out the culprits for society\u2019s problems. Likewise, today\u2019s right-wing populists have eagerly turned on the \u2018establishment\u2019 and the \u2018elites.\u2019<\/p>\n
In Europe, this has meant blaming the EU for everything that goes wrong. Addressing the complex roots of current economic and social challenges\u2014the UK and France, for example, suffer substantially from hereditary privilege and frozen class systems\u2014is a lot harder than decrying the EU as a villainous behemoth.<\/p>\n
Beyond blame, populist ideology relies heavily on nostalgia<\/a>. Much of the current upheaval in Europe evokes Edmund Burke\u2019s repudiation in 1790 of the French Revolution as the product of a misguided faith in ideas that defied people\u2019s attachment to history and tradition.<\/p>\n For the UK\u2019s Brexiteers, the borderless world that the EU, with its commitment to globalization, represents is destroying the nation-state, which better protected their interests. In their referendum campaign, they recalled a past<\/a> when jobs were secure, neighbors were familiar, and security was assured. Whether that past ever really existed was irrelevant.<\/p>\n The last time European democracies were overtaken by radical political movements, in the 1930s, demagogues based their support largely on the old lower middle class, whose members feared being dispossessed and pushed into poverty by uncontrolled economic forces. In the wake of the protracted euro crisis, and the painful austerity that followed, today\u2019s populists have been able to play on similar fears, again primarily among older workers and other vulnerable groups.<\/p>\n Of course, Europe is not alone in being swept up by populism. The United States, where Donald Trump has secured the Republican nomination to be president, is also in serious danger. Trump paints a bleak picture of life in the US today, blaming globalization (specifically, immigration) and the \u2018establishment\u2019 leaders who have advanced it for the struggles of ordinary American workers. His slogan, \u2018Make America Great Again,\u2019 is the ultimate display of false populist nostalgia.<\/p>\n Moreover, just as Brexiteers want to withdraw from Europe, Trump wants to withdraw the US from international arrangements<\/a> of which it is a part, if not the linchpin. He has suggested dispensing with NATO, declaring that US allies should have to pay for America\u2019s protection. He has also launched tirades against free trade and even the United Nations.<\/p>\n As elsewhere, Trump\u2019s protectionism and national narcissism are sustained by the anxiety of those hit by the impersonal dark forces of the \u2018market.\u2019 The turn toward populism constitutes a revolt against intellectual orthodoxy, embodied by cosmopolitan professional elites. In the Brexit campaign, \u2018expert\u2019 became a slur<\/a>.<\/p>\n