{"id":28851,"date":"2016-09-27T06:00:33","date_gmt":"2016-09-26T20:00:33","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=28851"},"modified":"2016-09-24T08:18:57","modified_gmt":"2016-09-23T22:18:57","slug":"security-economic-worlds-collide-dfat-white-paper","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/security-economic-worlds-collide-dfat-white-paper\/","title":{"rendered":"Security and economic worlds collide in DFAT White Paper"},"content":{"rendered":"

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In Canberra, the orbits of the economic world and security world are coming closer and their different gravitational fields are reacting as China conundrums confront the coming Foreign and Trade White<\/a> Paper<\/a>.<\/p>\n

The inhabitants of EcWorld and SecWorld world are getting snarlier and snappier with each other because of the gravitational disruptions. DFAT can’t dodge the biggest science question facing Australia’s polity. In producing a White Paper that thinks about the trade and diplomatic dimensions of Oz international relations, DFAT must address both EcWorld and SecWorld.<\/p>\n

As usual, Paul Keating gives the issue dramatic point<\/a>, with his claim that Australia doesn\u2019t have a foreign policy capable of negotiating the rise of China and the diminishing influence of the United States: \u2018Australia needs a foreign policy, and it needs it urgently. Australia does not have a foreign policy.\u2019<\/p>\n

The White Paper can tick at least one Keating box. This will rate as Formal Foreign Policy. Capital F. Capital P. Lots of other Ps apply: Policy statement and Political position but, inevitably, it must be only a Polite and Partial answer to the central conundrums.<\/p>\n

Why polite? Because it\u2019s a policy statement by government, so the White Paper can\u2019t be too honest or blunt in expression. As a government document, the White Paper must point towards the big orbiting questions while not crashing into them. Is China a revisionist power in SecWorld? How quickly is US power receding in both Worlds?<\/p>\n

As with the Defence White Paper, the DFAT effort will come at the \u2018China-as-rogue-or-revisionist\u2019 conundrum by using positive rather than negative language. Rather than negative revisionist thoughts, the positive side is to spruik the importance of the extant \u2018rules-based global order.\u2019<\/a> The codes aren\u2019t that complicated but politeness is ever a virtue.<\/p>\n

For a quick glimpse of what the White Paper can\u2019t actually say on such posers, see the Briefing Book<\/a> the Parliamentary Library did for the MPs and Senators of Australia\u2019s 45th Parliament. In it Dr Cameron Hill<\/a> ponders whether China\u2019s \u2018legitimate interests\u2019\u2014as demonstrated in the South China Sea\u2014include the establishment of \u2018spheres of influence\u2019, the revision of existing regional and global norms, and the right to resort to unilateral action.<\/p>\n

Hill expresses the complexity of the conundrums with this judgement:<\/p>\n

\u2018Whether coming to terms with China\u2019s rise should involve an element of genuine strategic\u00a0\u2018accommodation\u2019<\/a>, as opposed to simply \u2018engagement\u2019, is a question that Australian policymakers often appear reluctant to publicly canvass.\u2019<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

Not talking doesn\u2019t mean not knowing; Canberra understands the size of the issues and feels the gravitational disruptions.<\/p>\n

Greg Sheridan provides the context with his report on last year\u2019s multi-agency survey<\/a> of China\u2019s efforts seeking both intelligence and influence in Australia: \u2018Overall, the project revealed an unprecedented Chinese effort to penetrate and manipulate Australian elites in order to further Beijing\u2019s strategic policy.\u2019 Little wonder that the Turnbull government is contemplating<\/a> \u2018a major independent review of the nation’s intelligence agencies.\u2019<\/p>\n

The White Paper can\u2019t re-set the clashing gravitational fields of EcWorld and SecWorld, yet it has to make some effort at alignment. The policy statement must offer balanced analysis, accurate description and some attempt at prescription.<\/p>\n

How ambitious a prescription? That depends on how high the Foreign Minister wants to reach and what her government will grasp. On the SecWorld side, DFAT will replicate the \u2018rules-based\u2019 language of the Defence White Paper. Along with the plea for international rules, Foreign can go further, to examine the need for rules in Australia\u2019s relationship with China.<\/p>\n

The ambition\u2014even creativity\u2014can flow freely in EcWorld to see what fresh rules Australia and China need. As China moves from being the great consumer of Oz minerals to the prime source of everything from tourists to foreign students to investment, lots of thinking is needed.<\/p>\n

A great source of new thoughts is the Australia-China Joint Economic Report<\/a> (ACJER), which outlines a vision of the economic and social benefits of stronger engagement and cooperation. While supported by both governments, the ACJER is a study by the Australian National University and the China Centre for International Economic Exchanges.<\/p>\n

The report was presented to Prime Minister Malcolm Turnbull in Sydney and the Chinese Premier Li Keqiang in Beijing on 15 August. It argues that the Australia\u2013China relationship will become more, not less, important to both countries as the Chinese economy continues to change and upgrade: \u2018There is no economic or geopolitical future for China, Australia or the world that would not be improved by China\u2019s sustained and balanced economic growth\u2019. Beijing and Canberra, it says, broadly accept the need for an upgraded policy approach, to build \u2018a new set of national capabilities in both countries.\u2019<\/p>\n

The central thought about future rule writing in the coming decades is the need to create a comprehensive bilateral framework treaty that:<\/p>\n