{"id":29933,"date":"2016-12-15T14:30:54","date_gmt":"2016-12-15T03:30:54","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=29933"},"modified":"2019-04-23T14:53:57","modified_gmt":"2019-04-23T04:53:57","slug":"strategist-six-patrick-m-cronin","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/strategist-six-patrick-m-cronin\/","title":{"rendered":"The Strategist Six: Patrick M. Cronin"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Welcome to <\/i>The Strategist Six, a feature that provides a glimpse into the thinking of prominent academics, government officials, military officers, reporters and interesting individuals from around the world.<\/i><\/p>\n
1. Now that China is overtly throwing its weight around, is it fair to say that Washington missed its window to negotiate meaningful compromise or concessions with Beijing?<\/strong><\/p>\n China has been throwing its weight around for many centuries and will continue to do so in the\u00a0future, especially\u00a0if its leaders believe they can flout rules with impunity. Officials\u00a0in Beijing naturally like to exploit opportunities, and in the past decade those opportunities have\u00a0included the Global Financial Crisis, the incomplete and overly\u00a0uni-dimensional US pivot to Asia, and the lack of unity among China’s neighbours.<\/p>\n No doubt opportunities were missed by many parties. But given enduring\u00a0conflicts of interests and sharply divergent domestic politics, Washington and Beijing have managed well enough. A broad array of issues, from North Korea and cyber space to maritime tensions and climate change, have witnessed varying degrees of\u00a0cooperation.<\/p>\n To suggest that Washington “missed” a window of opportunity exaggerates the potential for some type of unifying\u00a0grand bargain. President-elect Trump\u00a0has called for China to abide by the rules in order to achieve a real win-win and new-type-of-major-power relationship. That won\u2019t be at the expense of allies and partners, but it will enhance America\u2019s negotiating leverage as well as better protect US security and prosperity than recent policy has been able to.<\/p>\n 2. Chinese President Xi Jinping has sought to consolidate his personal authority and tighten his grip on the CCP. To what extent does this reflect power or fragility?<\/strong><\/p>\n It reflects both. Our liberal internationalist mindsets would like to persuade us\u00a0that Xi is garnering titles out of desperation and weakness or, at best, to gain sufficient purchase to effect more significant reforms. While that may be true to a point,\u00a0I suspect it\u2019s equally likely that the CCP believes the best way to preserve single-party rule is to keep ahead of the democratic wave brought about by economic development,\u00a0globalisation and\u00a0information-based technologies. We will be watching Xi\u2019s appointments over the coming year to see who\u2019s tapped as the next head of the PLA Navy, Commerce\/Finance Ministries, State Councillor, and as mayors of major cities such as Beijing and Shanghai. President Xi isn\u2019t omnipotent but his appetite for control appears unrestrained.<\/p>\n China’s approach to maritime and territorial sovereignty is matched by its desire to impose authoritarian rules in the media and on the Internet. China is happy to engage in international relations from an advantageous position. From the use of state-owned enterprises to compete with private companies, to a reliance on the\u00a0Great Firewall of China, to the leveraging of\u00a0unregulated economic inducement\u00a0and information warfare,\u00a0Beijing seeks to control the terms of engagement and the rhythm of negotiation.<\/p>\n 3. To what extent has President Obama\u2019s Asia Policy been a success?<\/strong><\/p>\n I think it would be fair to say the outgoing administration has enjoyed no better than\u00a0mixed results. I do think the Obama administration crafted an important strategic blueprint for protecting long-term US interests by seeking to reduce the burdens of fighting two protracted\u00a0insurgencies and harvesting the benefits of the world’s most dynamic region straddling\u00a0the Indian and Pacific Oceans. The administration also deserves credit for stepping up diplomatic engagement across the Indo\u2013Pacific region, including with Southeast Asia and India.<\/p>\n However, the administration’s policy faltered with respect to implementation. Although intended to be multi-faceted and comprehensive, the rebalance wound up appearing too militaristic in orientation\u00a0because of the ultimate failure to deliver on economic prosperity. If you want to speak about missed opportunities, it\u2019s much less to do with US\u2013China relations than with early completion of a fairer variant of the\u00a0Trans-Pacific Partnership accord. Americans should hope that President-elect Trump can find a way to fashion fairer trade agreements with this fast-moving region of opportunity. America’s long-term security and prosperity depend on it.<\/p>\n