{"id":63933,"date":"2021-04-20T10:30:15","date_gmt":"2021-04-20T00:30:15","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=63933"},"modified":"2021-04-20T09:57:58","modified_gmt":"2021-04-19T23:57:58","slug":"super-mario-smashes-populists","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/super-mario-smashes-populists\/","title":{"rendered":"\u2018Super Mario\u2019 smashes populists"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/figure>\n

When the world shut down last year due to Covid-19, collective attention turned to the experts. Despite 10 years of fears from political scientists and newspaper columnists about the \u2018rise\u2019 or \u2018dominance\u2019 of populism at the expense of technocrats and the \u2018establishment\u2019, competent officials in many countries swiftly steered<\/a> ships of state through unprecedentedly choppy waters during the pandemic. The European Union and its globalist-oriented leaders were touted as examples of how technocrats and globalists, not \u2018outsider\u2019 populists and nationalists, could save a world in flames.<\/p>\n

This initial success begot arrogance. The EU leadership, which boasted about its early pandemic success, has eaten humble pie these past two months because of the bloc\u2019s disastrous vaccine rollout. Only 15.6% of people<\/a> in the EU have received a jab so far.<\/p>\n

The incompetent EU rollout, however, shouldn\u2019t boost the fortunes of anti-establishment politicians. Populist leaders, including former US president Donald Trump, Brazilian President Jair Bolsonaro, Mexican President Andr\u00e9s Manuel L\u00f3pez Obrador and Belarussian President Alexander Lukashenko\u2014all self-described populists<\/a>\u2014disastrously managed<\/a> the pandemic by downplaying the virus\u2019s severity, seeking to prematurely reopen economies despite rising infection rates, or questioning reputable medical opinions. Although Trump left the White House in January, Brazil<\/a>, Mexico<\/a> and Belarus<\/a> still maintain high levels of infections and low levels of vaccinations, principally because of their leadership.<\/p>\n

The incompetent EU rollout also shouldn\u2019t lessen the power of technocrats and a globalist-minded establishment to rectify crises. Italian Prime Minister Mario Draghi, for example, has quietly and effectively bolstered the case for a technocratic government led by an experienced, well-connected statesman.<\/p>\n

Draghi is no stranger to resurrecting entities from dire straits. When Europe confronted the financial crisis in the northern summer of 2012, Draghi as president of the European Central Bank (ECB) vowed to do \u2018whatever it takes\u2019 to preserve the euro. Through \u2018sharp political instincts<\/a>\u2019, optimism and a rebuke of traditional ECB conservatism, Draghi achieved what he promised. For his triumph, he earned the sobriquet \u2018Super Mario\u2019.<\/p>\n

This past February, Italian President Sergio Mattarella summoned<\/a> \u2018Super Mario\u2019 to lead Italy after Giuseppe Conte resigned the premiership. Confronting not only an international health and economic crisis, but also spiralling public debt and slow growth, Draghi faced an uphill battle from the beginning of his tenure.<\/p>\n

Attribute it to the \u2018political honeymoon\u2019 phase, but the Italian premier has already found success.<\/p>\n

He has eased Italy\u2019s fractious political system. Anti-establishment Italian political parties like Matteo Salvini\u2019s League and Luigi Di Maio\u2019s Five Star Movement, which have dominated<\/a> national politics, joined traditional establishment parties like the Democratic Party and Forza Italia to form a government under Italy\u2019s most established and globalist premier. Instead of beating these populist parties, Draghi has joined forces with them\u2014and neutered their corrosive impact on Italian politics. He has also won over many of their followers; 61%<\/a> of the Italian public approves of Draghi\u2019s performance so far.<\/p>\n

On public policy, Draghi has pushed<\/a> for greater Italian support of \u2018an increasingly integrated European Union\u2019 with scant blowback from his Euro-sceptic coalition partners. He upended Italy\u2019s slow vaccination campaign by \u2018focusing on logistics and recruiting the military to help\u2019 while dismissing<\/a> two top officials who obstructed a smooth process. Despite putting Italy on a more globalist footing, Draghi criticised the bloc for not being tougher against pharmaceutical companies that evaded delivery commitments. He then triggered<\/a> an EU mechanism that blocked the export of roughly 250,000 vaccines to Australia. No one in the EU contested his decision.<\/p>\n

In doing so, Draghi achieved for Italy what other populist leaders dream of. One can only imagine the blowback an anti-establishment figure would have faced from the EU had they chosen to block the export. By being so firmly entrenched in establishment circles, Draghi was arguably the only Italian who could achieve the nationalist goal of protecting his citizens\u2019 health at the expense of another country. Just as only Richard Nixon could go to China, only Draghi could keep vaccines in Europe.<\/p>\n

Draghi\u2019s establishment credentials\u2014so often ridiculed by \u2018outsider\u2019 politicians in Italy, the United States and elsewhere\u2014could make him a successful prime minister on three counts. First, people respect<\/a> his deep intellect and experience. Second, his Rolodex bursts at the seams, allowing him to broker deals and leverage connections<\/a> across the globe. Third, much like Theodore Roosevelt, Draghi \u2018speaks softly and carries a big stick\u2019. He has given few speeches or press conferences, preferring instead to keep his nose to the grindstone. In an age of \u2018brand politics\u2019, where politicians focus on their image at the expense of public policy, Draghi does something unusual: he governs.<\/p>\n

No matter his success, Draghi will not eradicate populism. But if his government\u2019s standard of technocratic expertise can mitigate future waves of Covid-19 and steer Italy away from a deeper recession, he will have undercut another populist revolt in Italy. In this, Draghi offers fellow Western leaders a roadmap for success in thwarting anti-establishment revivals similar to the ones that emerged in the wake of the 2008 financial crisis.<\/p>\n

Populism, and the nationalist mindset it typically propagates, will not die. But it\u2019s high time the \u2018establishment\u2019 stopped ridiculing political \u2018outsiders\u2019 and started focusing on what its members can do to improve the lives of their compatriots. The best case for the \u2018establishment\u2019 is not the derision of its opponents, but proof of its benefits to the average voter. If experienced leaders can achieve that, they can remind voters that the \u2018establishment\u2019 is not only needed to save a nation in crisis\u2014it can lead well in times of stability too.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

When the world shut down last year due to Covid-19, collective attention turned to the experts. 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