{"id":66964,"date":"2021-09-03T15:00:29","date_gmt":"2021-09-03T05:00:29","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=66964"},"modified":"2021-09-03T14:59:47","modified_gmt":"2021-09-03T04:59:47","slug":"helmsman-xi-takes-china-back-to-the-future","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/helmsman-xi-takes-china-back-to-the-future\/","title":{"rendered":"Helmsman Xi takes China back to the future"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/figure>\n

The general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping, has been inspired by his own scrupulously scripted celebrations of the party\u2019s centenary in July to drive China back towards the future.<\/p>\n

He has moved swiftly as the party\u2019s second century starts, intensifying the core programs already underway to rein in the private sector and especially its most successful entrepreneurs. Xi is also reconstructing school and university curricula to focus on CCP dogma and \u2018Xi Jinping thought<\/a>\u2019, and has striven to build support in the \u2018masses\u2019 beyond the party to return China to Mao-era party verities.<\/p>\n

Thus, Xi anticipates, an unstoppable demand from inside and outside the CCP will insist on his reappointment for a further five-year term and effectively for another decade, at the 2022 party congress, which will also fully endorse his top priority: to \u2018stay true to the Party\u2019s founding mission\u2019.<\/p>\n

The politburo has announced<\/a> that the sixth plenum of the 19th party congress will meet in November, because, \u2018A review of the major achievements made and the historical experience accumulated during the Party\u2019s 100 years of endeavor is needed for the new course of fully building a modern socialist country … and for upholding General Secretary Xi Jinping\u2019s core position at the CPC Central Committee and in the whole Party, as well as the authority of the Party\u2019s Central Committee and its centralized, unified leadership.\u2019<\/p>\n

So, \u2018reviewing\u2019, especially of history, is to be entrenched as a core priority.<\/p>\n

The new economic and social goal is to build \u2018common prosperity\u2019 as \u2018the essential requirement of socialism,\u2019 Xi said<\/a> in August. \u2018Unreasonable incomes\u2019 are to be \u2018rectified\u2019. A swathe of China\u2019s leading-edge industries, including information technology, ride-sharing, e-commerce and education provision, have been hit by new state-imposed constraints, and Chinese equities have lost a trillion dollars in value.<\/p>\n

The politburo announced that \u2018the Party\u2019s leadership\u2019 in all educational institutions would be strengthened. As an early outcome of this, school-age children are to be banned from playing video games during weekdays, and allowed an hour a day on Fridays and weekends, by official order.<\/p>\n

A WeChat post by Li Guangman<\/a> that was republished, highly significantly, in all major official media channels, including the People\u2019s Daily<\/em> and Xinhua<\/em>, said that while the new party campaign wouldn\u2019t \u2018kill the rich to help the poor\u2019, the government needed to \u2018combat the chaos of big capital\u2019.<\/p>\n

Li wrote: \u2018Each of us can feel that a profound social change has begun \u2026 It is necessary not only to destroy the decadent forces but also to scrape the bones and heal the wounds. A profound change or revolution is taking place in the economic, financial, cultural and political fields. This is a return from the capital clique to the masses, and a change from capital-centred to people-centred. All those who block this people-centred change will be abandoned. This profound change is also a return, a return to the Party\u2019s initial aspirations \u2026 to the essence of socialism.\u2019<\/p>\n

He said: \u2018This change will wash away all the dust: capital markets will no longer be a paradise for capitalists to get rich overnight, cultural markets will no longer be a paradise for \u2018sissy\u2019 stars \u2026 We need to build a lively, healthy, masculine, tough and people-oriented culture.\u2019<\/p>\n

This is a swift, natural elaboration on the manner in which Xi drove the party\u2019s centenary. He didn\u2019t stint on adjectives in his hour-long celebratory speech to the 70,000 invitees to Tiananmen Square to mark the event: Great. Glorious. Tenacious. Magnificent. Dauntless. Brave. Unstoppable. Of course, historic.<\/p>\n

These are the attributes of a person, or an institution, that has now reached the top. But if we\u2019re already witnessing peak party, what follows?<\/p>\n

The CCP doesn\u2019t seem in great need of such praise. It stands alone. There\u2019s no organisation in China that doesn\u2019t defer to it. Almost all social groups and businesses contain party branches. It controls the way history is understood, the way China itself is perceived, the way the world\u2019s swirling trends are explained to the Chinese people. The mighty People\u2019s Liberation Army is the party\u2019s own army.<\/p>\n

At the end of the spectacular The Great Journey<\/em> show at Beijing\u2019s Bird\u2019s Nest stadium, Xi led all in standing to sing: \u2018Without the Communist Party, there would be no new China.\u2019 The CCP\u2019s jealousy of any other source of morality, validation or history, and its fear of the broader Chinese people, have driven it to seek to consume China itself.<\/p>\n

The picture that Xi painted in his crucial, intensely workshopped but also bloviated Tiananmen speech<\/a>, as the party pivots from its tumultuous first century, is of a body also aptly described with other adjectives: Self-obsessed. Anxious. Domineering. Ritualised. Demanding.<\/p>\n

The key question that the show, and Xi\u2019s speech, failed to answer is, has the party anything new in its agenda or program, apart from Xi\u2019s semi-protectionist \u2018dual circulation\u2019 aim to produce at home almost everything China\u2019s economy needs?<\/p>\n

Xi said in his speech about \u2018the journey ahead\u2019, his roadmap for China\u2019s future, \u2018We must uphold the firm leadership of the Party \u2026 work ceaselessly for a better life \u2026 rely closely on the people to create history \u2026 continue to uphold Marxism-Leninism, Mao Zedong Thought \u2026\u2019, through of course to his own \u2018New Era\u2019 thought:<\/p>\n

We will \u2026 continue to develop the Marxism of contemporary China \u2026 We must follow our own path \u2026 adhere to the Party\u2019s basic theory, line, and policy \u2026 accelerate the modernisation of national defence and the armed forces \u2026 promote the building of a human community with a shared future \u2026 strengthen the great unity of the Chinese people \u2026 keep firmly in mind the old adage that it takes a good blacksmith to make good steel [he did not add: and high-class Australian iron ore and metallurgical coal].<\/p><\/blockquote>\n

This all amounts to a pledge simply to keep on keeping on\u2014with fresh energy injected, since the centenary events, into that core goal of restoring the primacy of socialism, especially in the economy and in educational institutions.<\/p>\n

The party, Xi boasted, \u2018is still in its prime\u2019. His concluding toast in Tiananmen was: \u2018Long live our great, glorious, and correct Party! Long live our great, glorious and heroic people!\u2019\u2014in that order.<\/p>\n

The point of vulnerability is clear, in the somewhat strange, to outsiders, use of \u2018correct\u2019. Earlier, Xi had stressed: \u2018We will not accept sanctimonious preaching from those who feel they have the right to lecture us.\u2019 When the obverse of such a statement would clearly be considerably more surprising, that raises the question of why it was included\u2014and indicates an area of anxiety.<\/p>\n

That\u2019s surprising, given the extent of the CCP\u2019s controls over all forms of communication, offline and online, in China today. But it\u2019s also suggestive of underlying vulnerability concerning the party\u2019s insistence on monopolising the \u2018correctness\u2019 or not of every Chinese person\u2019s view of the world, way of life and understanding of China\u2019s story. Xi clearly views preaching or lecturing by non-CCP elements as potentially very attractive to Chinese people\u2014some of whom may take a different view on what is \u2018sanctimonious\u2019\u2014and thus especially perilous for the party. How long can the party keep this lid on?<\/p>\n

\u2018The Party has no special interests of its own,\u2019 Xi averred. \u2018It has never represented any individual interest group, power group, or privileged stratum.\u2019 Apparently the proletariat\u2014now very much a minority among the CCP\u2019s 95 million members\u2014has been simply forgotten. It is the party that is now its own sole \u2018special interest\u2019, \u2018power group\u2019 and \u2018privileged stratum.\u2019<\/p>\n

However assiduous, ubiquitous and popular the anti-corruption purge\u2014now institutionalised\u2014that brought Xi to power and that is keeping him there, and whatever the debt that many Chinese people feel they owe the party for providing the stability helping them to prosper, all acknowledge that the party is China\u2019s ruling class, holder of all power and privilege. And Xi insists that the chief qualification for leadership, or even membership of the party, is to possess\u2014as does he, the son of a Long Marcher\u2014\u2018red genes\u2019.<\/p>\n

In Qiushi<\/em>, the party\u2019s ideological journal, Xi urged party members, ahead of the centenary, to \u2018inherit red genes and pass on the red country from generation to generation\u2019. The legitimacy of China\u2019s rulers is thus to be derived from previous generations\u2019 rule. We seem to have been here before in Chinese history.<\/p>\n

The only references to reform in the speech were to acknowledge in passing its role in the previous Deng Xiaoping-inspired era.<\/p>\n

The 2008 Beijing Olympics\u2014also under the supervision of Xi, as vice president assigned that role\u2014was the party\u2019s party to celebrate its success in opening to the world.<\/p>\n

But the 2021 centenary was marked by an entirely inward-focused series of events, slogans and speeches. In vast numbers of new TV series, special showings of party-venerating movies required twice weekly at cinemas, endless propaganda sessions at schools and universities, the Chinese population was reminded of the party\u2019s glory. The members were involved most of all, including repeating their admission vows with fists raised, along with General Secretary Xi\u2019s, at The Great Journey<\/em> show.<\/p>\n

Cai Xia, a former professor at the Central Party School in Beijing, has said that, under Xi, the party\u2019s members are now reduced to being \u2018slaves of his will\u2019.<\/p>\n

The great strides made under Xi to tighten, to the point of inseparability, the Party and China, and the Party and the Chinese people, make any challenge to the party or its history, ideology or leadership\u2014as intended\u2014appear to be a rebuke, threat or insult to China itself.<\/p>\n

The very redness of China in 2021 makes any change seem impossible. But societies rarely stand still for long. Pressures build. Especially on bodies that parade their own peakness.<\/p>\n

Most of the Xi generation, who were born in the People\u2019s Republic and whose lives were turned upside down by the Cultural Revolution, have worked tirelessly to rebuild their families\u2019 fortunes. They have focused fully on ensuring their own children\u2014mainly, a single child\u2014received the full education they were in many cased denied. They and those children have worked and saved hard, achieving a great and deserved surge in living standards.<\/p>\n

But they, their children, and especially their grandchildren, aren\u2019t going to want to keep this pace up forever. It\u2019s inevitable that even some party members let alone members of China\u2019s broader public\u2014whose underlying culture is individualistic, and whose educative experience over recent decades has reinforced their natural curiosity about others\u2019 lifestyles\u2014start to feel exhausted by Xi\u2019s constant exhortations, as in his centenary speech, to \u2018ceaseless work\u2019, to \u2018great struggle\u2019.<\/p>\n

One of China\u2019s 2021 online phenomena has been tang ping<\/em>, which translates as \u2018lie flat\u2019. Young people have posted that they\u2019re tired of the demands made on them. Another common Chinese meme is \u2018996\u2019\u2014working from 9 am to 9 pm, six days a week\u2014especially in the tech sector. They say they just want to chill, to enjoy the fruit of their family\u2019s, and perhaps also their own, labour.<\/p>\n

Their world is a million kilometres from that of party leader Xi, whose speech was punctuated in the original Chinese version by 49 exclamation marks. The official English translation permitted only three, providing a rather different sense of the tone.<\/p>\n

Xi is girding the party up for one more big push\u2014achieving per capita prosperity matching China\u2019s east Asian neighbours, cementing global respect for it and for the PRC, and annexing Taiwan. China\u2019s national income and the determination of its leadership indicate that some of these ambitions might be within their grasp.<\/p>\n

But the PRC remains, as Chinese strategic academic Zhu Feng has described it, \u2018a lonely rising power\u2019. Without a successor in sight, Xi\u2019s leadership will become an increasingly distracting issue now that he has centralised and personalised power so profoundly. And how can the party bridge the gap between Xi\u2019s olde-worlde ideological focus and the tang ping<\/em> generation?<\/p>\n

Much work still lies ahead for the CCP as it enters its second century. This party that claims omnipotence and omniscience must fear any single failure all the more.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

The general secretary of the Chinese Communist Party, Xi Jinping, has been inspired by his own scrupulously scripted celebrations of the party\u2019s centenary in July to drive China back towards the future. 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