{"id":70551,"date":"2022-02-18T06:00:09","date_gmt":"2022-02-17T19:00:09","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=70551"},"modified":"2022-02-22T16:56:48","modified_gmt":"2022-02-22T05:56:48","slug":"australias-china-policy-and-national-security","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/australias-china-policy-and-national-security\/","title":{"rendered":"Australia\u2019s China policy and national security"},"content":{"rendered":"
<\/figure>\n

Beijing has repeatedly misunderstood Australia and Australians, so whomever it might \u2018pick\u2019 out of particular parties, its track record of judgement has been terrible.<\/p>\n

China\u2019s leaders thought using the country\u2019s trade with Australia in lobsters, barley, wine, wheat and coal as a weapon<\/a> would change the government\u2019s policy on China\u2019s aggressive cyber hacking, political interference and growing military intimidation of others in our part of the world.<\/p>\n

They were wrong.<\/p>\n

I\u2019m pleased the chief of the Australian Security Intelligence Organisation has made it clear<\/a> that foreign interference activities by states like China\u2014and Russia\u2014are real and threaten the integrity of all political parties unless we are clear-eyed and calm in countering them. He\u2019s told us that spying and foreign interference now outweigh terrorism as threats to Australia. He\u2019s also said foreign interference is a threat every political party has to take seriously.<\/p>\n

Beyond the generalised warning, though, I\u2019d rather see even more clarity both from ASIO and from our parliament in getting specific about who is doing what. Without that, there\u2019s a risk of creating confusion and uncertainty.<\/p>\n

It shouldn\u2019t be left to a senator like Kimberley Kitching to have to use parliamentary privilege<\/a> to tell Australians details about the recent plot ASIO disrupted, even if we should be glad she did so.<\/p>\n

ASIO should get comfortable naming the key individuals behind such plots and the foreign government they were serving. Doing so can only help our understanding and keep our democracy resilient.<\/p>\n

We\u2019ve seen an inability to name the problem publicly, with phrases like \u2018a sophisticated state actor\u2019<\/a> and \u2018country-agnostic\u2019 policies, for too long. Naming problems helps face and resolve them.<\/p>\n

There is indeed bipartisanship on Australia\u2019s China policy\u2014and both major parties know they need to have strong policies on China\u2014because of the actions of the Chinese government and because public opinion<\/a> in Australia has hardened against Xi Jinping and the way he is using Chinese power.<\/p>\n

That same shift in assessment of China is happening in other parts of the world\u2014notably Europe, North America, India and Japan.<\/p>\n

But policies need sustained implementation. And when you are dealing with a powerful, coercive regime like the one led by Xi, that takes continued political will. The current debate is reminding us all of that.<\/p>\n

It\u2019s also a reminder that times have changed radically in the 10 years since the then Australian government\u2014Julia Gillard\u2019s government\u2014released the optimistic Australia in the Asian century<\/a><\/em> strategy that saw only the upside of economic engagement with the region, notably China.<\/p>\n

Any party governing Australia after the forthcoming election needs to understand in its bones that there is no \u2018reset\u2019 moment that takes us back to the future. There are still businesses and also officials at state and federal level who harbour nostalgic dreams of a return to the plan of increasing Australian access to the China market.<\/p>\n

But, without cringing and damaging concessions\u2014see Beijing\u2019s list of 14 grievances<\/a>\u2014in which Australia demonstrates penitence and contrition for daring to have differences with the Chinese Communist Party regime, there\u2019s not the remotest prospect of new directions for the relationship while Xi rules China and conducts a \u2018great closing\u2019 after Deng Xiaoping\u2019s great opening to the world.<\/p>\n

Below the level of simple statements about China policy, there\u2019s a heaving mass of issues that the Australian government will need to keep taking decisions and talking about. How important is collective action by the world\u2019s powerful democracies given the now concerted actions<\/a> of two autocratic powers\u2014Russia and China\u2014against our interests and values? How do the very different political systems in the democratic and authoritarian worlds engage digitally and in areas of data and technology?<\/p>\n

How much does Australian policy, regulation and investment need to push and support our companies and universities to accelerate their diversification strategies away from long-term all-in bets on the China market? Will Australia seek to be a leader in any of these debates and areas of decision or be a fast and quiet follower?<\/p>\n

Fortunately, Australian policy on China is bringing us closer to powerful friends\u2014as demonstrated by the US, Indian and Japanese foreign ministers, Antony Blinken, S. Jaishankar and Yoshimasa Hayashi, coming to Melbourne just last week<\/a>. Their Quad meeting happened in the midst of the Russia\u2013Ukraine crisis, but the fact that it happened at that time and kept its focus on the challenges to security and public health in our region shows this.<\/p>\n

Whoever wins government in the next Australian election, their job will be to serve Australia\u2019s national interest by working on the China challenge with our close partners and friends\u2014and by being honest with Australians about the practical challenges Beijing brings.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Beijing has repeatedly misunderstood Australia and Australians, so whomever it might \u2018pick\u2019 out of particular parties, its track record of judgement has been terrible. China\u2019s leaders thought using the country\u2019s trade with Australia in lobsters, …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":766,"featured_media":51331,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_mi_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[2212,416,2243,301],"class_list":["post-70551","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-general","tag-australia-china-relations","tag-australian-government","tag-election-interference","tag-national-security-2"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nAustralia\u2019s China policy and national security | The Strategist<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/australias-china-policy-and-national-security\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Australia\u2019s China policy and national security | The Strategist\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Beijing has repeatedly misunderstood Australia and Australians, so whomever it might \u2018pick\u2019 out of particular parties, its track record of judgement has been terrible. 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