{"id":8313,"date":"2013-08-12T06:00:57","date_gmt":"2013-08-11T20:00:57","guid":{"rendered":"http:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=8313"},"modified":"2013-08-16T12:43:28","modified_gmt":"2013-08-16T02:43:28","slug":"julia-gillards-foreign-policy-3","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/julia-gillards-foreign-policy-3\/","title":{"rendered":"Julia Gillard\u2019s foreign policy \u2013 part 3"},"content":{"rendered":"

\"President<\/a>Julia Gillard\u2019s approach to foreign policy must be set beside that of Kevin Rudd. Indeed, Gillard\u2019s place in history will be inextricably intertwined with Rudd on almost every level. The vote on September 7 will do much to define the final judgement on the terms of an internal party rivalry that was as toxic as anything Canberra has seen in generations\u2014with as many acts as those played out by Howard and Peacock and with all the intense bitterness of Hawke and Keating.<\/p>\n

Initially, Gillard as leader spoke with Rudd\u2019s voice, especially as he was her Foreign Minister. Gradually over her term Gillard put down her own markers, such as the Asian Century White Paper. Indeed, one of the reasons Gillard created the White Paper was because it didn\u2019t evoke the rhythms of Ruddism.<\/p>\n

Rudd\u2019s performance was much stronger on multilateral issues, while Gillard\u2019s ability was more at the bilateral level. The foreign affairs efforts of Rudd Mk I were considerable, but the missteps were also notable for a leader who came to the top job with so much foreign policy experience. Rudd\u2019s effort to make the G20 the preeminent international economic body was his finest achievement; his determination to bid for a seat on the UN Security Council ended in triumph, although it was Gillard who carried the torch across the line.<\/p>\n

Along with that Security Council win, a UN issue inflicted a defeat on Gillard when she was rolled by her own Cabinet<\/a> over the decision on Australia\u2019s vote on the status of Palestine. The new Foreign Minister, Bob Carr, and an old Foreign Minister in Gareth Evans persuaded Caucus and Cabinet to overturn Gillard\u2019s preference<\/a> for Australia and to stand with the US and Israel in the General Assembly vote on Palestine.<\/p>\n

Rudd stabilised and maintained the alliance with the US at the same time as he took Australian troops out of the war in Iraq. That\u2019s high level alliance management. Gillard, though, has taken the alliance to another level and helped swing it decisively towards Australia\u2019s regional interests. Rudd got out of Iraq, Gillard got the US Marines into northern Australia. For good or ill in Afghanistan, Gillard stuck staunchly to the policy stance created by Howard and Rudd. That consistency with her predecessors on Afghanistan clearly caused Gillard plenty of personal pain, but she made the policy her own.\u00a0It may end up weighing on the negative side of her legacy.<\/p>\n

In relations with India and China, Gillard has the stronger record. In talking to Beijing, she benefited from not being Rudd. The Rudd Mk I relationship with China was a strikingly rough ride. On the roughness of that period, I cite the view of the Fairfax Beijing correspondent John Garnaut<\/a> that Rudd\u2019s 2009 White Paper \u2018exploded like a bomb beneath the China relationship\u2019 and Garnaut\u2019s judgement<\/a> that after Canberra\u2019s frank assessment of Chinese military growth, \u2018bilateral relations plunged to the lowest point since the Tiananmen massacres of 1989\u2019.<\/p>\n

If you doubt this assessment, read with only a slightly questioning eye the terms of the 2009 Australia\u2013China Joint Statement<\/a>. The protestations of future harmony are built on a painful recent past. At the time, I described the statement<\/a> as the terms of a ceasefire\u2014perhaps even an armistice between Rudd and Beijing. Being the \u2018non-Rudd\u2019 allowed Gillard to play a steady role with China. A bunch of Beijing apparatchiks recognised another accomplished apparatchik from Canberra and normal business got done. Gillard\u2019s Defence Paper was certainly seen in this non-Rudd light.<\/p>\n

With New Delhi, being the non-Rudd enabled Gillard to change the tone of the relationship. She decided to overturn Labor\u2019s refusal to sell uranium to India. She made the switch without even talking to her then Foreign Minister<\/a>, Mr K.Rudd. This was an Australian nod or even bow<\/a> to India\u2019s status. Gillard\u2019s decision has made it easier for Canberra to ruminate on what it must try to achieve with India, and allowed Gillard\u2019s Defence White Paper to give great prominence to the \u2018new strategic construct\u2019 of the Indo-Pacific.<\/p>\n

If any official signpost from Gillard\u2019s term persists, it will be the 2012 White Paper on Australia in the Asian Century rather than this year\u2019s Defence White Paper. The spending programs in the Asian Century statement are already rusting away. What will stand will be the embrace of Asia\u2019s rise as the defining feature of the 21st century and its discussion of the profound implications for Australia. History\u2019s rendering of Gillard will give more prominence to the significance of the Asian Century White Paper as a statement of understanding and belonging than as a policy prescription.<\/p>\n

Many future historians will feel a need to use that photograph of Gillard in the Oval Office handballing an Oz Rules football to President Obama. And the historians can quote a version of Gillard\u2019s remark to Obama that he might be the first black man to lead the US, but she was a woman, unmarried and childless. Obama and Gillard achieved a rapport that had a similar policy basis as that between Bush and Howard, but with a starkly different set of personal perspectives.<\/p>\n

Graeme Dobell is the ASPI journalist fellow. Image <\/em>by Official White House Photographer Pete Souza, <\/em>courtesy of<\/em> the White House blog<\/a>.<\/em><\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Julia Gillard\u2019s approach to foreign policy must be set beside that of Kevin Rudd. Indeed, Gillard\u2019s place in history will be inextricably intertwined with Rudd on almost every level. The vote on September 7 will …<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":79,"featured_media":8314,"comment_status":"closed","ping_status":"closed","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"_mi_skip_tracking":false,"footnotes":""},"categories":[1],"tags":[285,513],"class_list":["post-8313","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","has-post-thumbnail","hentry","category-general","tag-foreign-policy","tag-julia-gillard"],"acf":[],"yoast_head":"\nJulia Gillard\u2019s foreign policy \u2013 part 3 | The Strategist<\/title>\n<meta name=\"robots\" content=\"index, follow, max-snippet:-1, max-image-preview:large, max-video-preview:-1\" \/>\n<link rel=\"canonical\" href=\"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/julia-gillards-foreign-policy-3\/\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:locale\" content=\"en_US\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:type\" content=\"article\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:title\" content=\"Julia Gillard\u2019s foreign policy \u2013 part 3 | The Strategist\" \/>\n<meta property=\"og:description\" content=\"Julia Gillard\u2019s approach to foreign policy must be set beside that of Kevin Rudd. 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