{"id":84456,"date":"2024-01-08T11:00:08","date_gmt":"2024-01-08T00:00:08","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/?p=84456"},"modified":"2024-01-08T11:00:18","modified_gmt":"2024-01-08T00:00:18","slug":"a-reprieve-for-israels-democracy","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/www.aspistrategist.ru\/a-reprieve-for-israels-democracy\/","title":{"rendered":"A reprieve for Israel\u2019s democracy"},"content":{"rendered":"
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Last week, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled on two major bills<\/a> pushed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu\u2019s far-right government as part of its judicial overhaul. The decision to strike down the first and delay activation<\/a> of the second until after the next general election delivered a historic victory for Israel\u2019s democratic forces.<\/p>\n

The first bill would have eliminated the Supreme Court\u2019s power to block \u2018extremely unreasonable\u2019 government decisions. The second bill, explicitly tailored for Netanyahu, who currently is on trial for corruption, sought to bar Israel\u2019s attorney-general from declaring him unfit for office if he attempts to interfere with the criminal proceedings, and stipulated that the prime minister could be declared incapacitated only for health reasons. Both bills were approved by the Knesset during the summer as amendments to Israel\u2019s Basic Laws, which serve as the country\u2019s de facto constitution.<\/p>\n

These rulings mark a watershed moment for Israeli democracy. By striking down the government\u2019s judicial overhaul, the Supreme Court rejected the notion that wartime unity necessitates tolerating Netanyahu\u2019s erosion of democratic norms. In a narrow 8\u20137 majority, the court upheld the reasonableness standard, rebuking the ruling coalition for causing \u2018severe and unprecedented harm\u2019 to Israel\u2019s democratic character.<\/p>\n

Moreover, 12 of the 15 justices ruled that the Supreme Court has the authority to review and even strike down Basic Laws that undermine Israel\u2019s identity as a Jewish and democratic state. This amounts to a rejection of the government\u2019s argument that Basic Laws should be exempt from judicial review, even if they were passed by a simple Knesset majority.<\/p>\n

That said, the court\u2019s decision represents a radical departure from its traditional reluctance to rule on Basic Laws. Because Israel doesn\u2019t have a formal constitution, these laws function as a foundational legal framework, outlining the state\u2019s responsibilities and safeguarding essential civil rights. But Netanyahu\u2019s government has exploited the court\u2019s non-interference policy, seizing every opportunity to manipulate the Basic Law process for Netanyahu\u2019s personal and political gain. With their latest ruling, the justices aim to end this practice.<\/p>\n

The court\u2019s decision to overturn Netanyahu\u2019s judicial overhaul also represents a major victory for the hundreds of thousands of Israelis who took to the streets over the past year to protest against it. These mass rallies have highlighted the ongoing conflict between two contrasting visions of Israel\u2019s future, a divide that was momentarily overshadowed by Hamas\u2019s massacre of Israeli citizens on 7 October. Since the war in Gaza began, Netanyahu and his allies, whose negligence led to the worst terrorist attack in Israeli history, have tried to shift the blame to the protesters and the Supreme Court. By exposing Israel\u2019s internal rifts, they argue, the protesters inadvertently encouraged Hamas to attack.<\/p>\n

But it is abundantly clear that it was the government\u2019s judicial overhaul, not the protests against it, that ripped apart Israeli society. Nevertheless, Netanyahu\u2019s allies\u2014including National Security Minister Itamar Ben-Gvir, whose far-right settler constituency has been the driving force behind the efforts to weaken the judiciary\u2014have lashed out<\/a> at the court for \u2018weakening the spirit\u2019 of the soldiers fighting in Gaza.<\/p>\n

Netanyahu, for his part, seems to view the war against Hamas as an insurance policy of sorts. His management of the war is inextricably tied to his quest for political survival, reflecting his apparent conviction that the only way to mitigate the adverse repercussions of his divisive judicial overhaul and his personal responsibility for the7 \u00a0October attack is by pursuing a decisive victory over Hamas, no matter the cost.<\/p>\n

Netanyahu\u2019s desire to save his political career also explains his refusal to accept responsibility for the blunders that have led to Israel\u2019s current predicament. The military\u2019s top brass, from the chief of staff to the heads of military intelligence and the Israeli security service (Shin Bet), have all acknowledged their failures and pledged to resign once the war is over. But Netanyahu, who once stated<\/a> that a strong Hamas in Gaza is \u2018our way to thwart the creation of a Palestinian state\u2019, continues to evade responsibility by repeating his newfound mantra: \u2018After the war.\u2019<\/p>\n

Before 7 October, many military reservists and combat pilots actively participated in the mass protests against the government\u2019s judicial overhaul. Some even threatened<\/a> to stop reporting for duty. While they were primarily motivated by their concern for Israel\u2019s democracy, they also understood, as military personnel, that an independent and internationally respected judiciary safeguards them against potential prosecution by international tribunals. Regrettably, it didn\u2019t take long for these reservists\u2019 worst fears to materialise.<\/p>\n

The devastating human toll of the war in Gaza has exposed Israeli leaders and soldiers to the risk of prosecution for war crimes. Later this month, the International Court of Justice in The Hague is scheduled to discuss the genocide allegations<\/a> brought against Israel by South Africa. In its defence, Israel is expected to brush off the savage threats and genocidal rhetoric used by Netanyahu\u2019s coalition partners (which have bolstered South Africa\u2019s accusations) and highlight the international standing of the Supreme Court.<\/p>\n

While Netanyahu\u2019s attempted judicial coup has been thwarted, this victory could prove fleeting. Netanyahu\u2019s coalition of warmongers, messianic settlers and cynical opportunists remains intact and will continue to pursue its authoritarian agenda. Moreover, the liberal Supreme Court majority that overturned the government\u2019s overhaul no longer exists following the retirement of Chief Justice Esther Hayut and Justice Anat Baron.<\/p>\n

The significance of the Supreme Court\u2019s landmark decision, especially in the midst of an existential war, cannot be overstated. The court\u2019s liberal-leaning majority has proven to be an indispensable ally of the democratic forces opposing the extremists who view the war in Gaza as an opportunity to realise their vision of a Greater Israel from the Mediterranean to the Jordan River. But these forces\u2019 recent victory is merely part of a larger battle for Israel\u2019s soul\u2014a battle that continues to play out in the shadow of an ongoing war.<\/p>\n","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"

Last week, the Israeli Supreme Court ruled on two major bills pushed by Prime Minister Benjamin Netanyahu\u2019s far-right government as part of its judicial overhaul. 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